Tzotzil Problems Ling 105, Winter 2021 Introduction Due Friday, May 21 Tzotzil is a Mayan language spoken by over 100,000 people in Chiapas, the southernmost state of Mexico. The data in the problems that follow are from the dialect spoken in the municipality of Zinacantan (some 10,000 speakers). The orthography used in these problems is a "practical orthography" -- one which is well suited for typing the language on a standard typewriter. Symbols have roughly the following values: Labial Labiodental Alveolar Alveopalatal Velar Glottal Plain V-less Stop p t k 7 V-d Stop (d) (g) V-less Affricate tz ch Glottalized V-less Stop p' t' k' V-d Stop b V-less Affricate tz' ch' Spirant V-less (f) s x j V-d (w) v y Liquid r,l Nasal m n The language also has five vowel phonemes, represented by i, e, a, o, u, with roughly the usual values. Zinacantec Tzotzil Problem - 1 Each of the following Zinacantec Tzotzil verb forms can stand alone as a complete sentence. However, the person, and sometimes number, of the subjects and objects are expressed within the verb forms themselves. For the following data (1) Identify those affixes that cross reference (i.e., show agreement with) subjects and objects. Describe their distribution. (2) There is an affix expressing perfect aspect in these forms. What do you think it is? (3) Tell how yes/no questions are formed. smajoj 'he/she/they have hit him/her/them/it' jvula7anoj 'I/we have visited him/her/them/it/' sk'oponojoxuk 'he/she/they have addressed you (pl)' smajojon 'he/she/they/it has struck/hit me' ak'oponojon 'you have addressed me' svula7anojot 'she/he/they have visited you (sg)' sk'elojoxuk 'she/he/they have watched you (pl)' jmajojot 'I/we have struck you (sg)' sk'elojotik 'he/she/they have watched us (you and me)' mi sk'oponojon 'has he/she/they addressed me?' avula7anojotikotik 'you have visited us' svula7anoj 'he/they/she has visited him/her/it/them' jk'eloj 'I/we have watched him/it/her/them' sk'elojot 'he/she/they have watched you (sg)' amajoj 'you have struck him/it/her/them' jk'oponojoxuk 'I/we have addressed you (pl)' sk'oponojotikotik 'he/she/they have addressed us (me and someone !=you)' ave7oj 'you have eaten it/them' sk'eloj 'he/she/they have watched it/her/him/them' amajojotikotik 'you have struck us' jmajojoxuk 'I/we have hit you (pl)' mi ak'elojon 'have you watched me?' smajojotik 'he/she/they has struck us (me and you)' jvula7anojoxuk 'I/we have visited you (pl)' smajojotikotik 'he/she/they has struck us (me and someone !=you)' jtojojot 'I/we have paid you (sg)' jve7oj 'I/we have eaten it/them' svula7anojotikotik 'he/she/they have visited us (me and someone !=you)' svula7anojotik 'she/he/they have visited us (me and you)' sve7oj 'he/she/it/they have eaten it/them' jk'elojot 'I/we have watched you (sg)' amajojon 'you have struck me' mi ak'elojotikotik 'have you watched us?' sk'elojon 'he/she/they have watched me' Zinacantec Tzotzil Problem: 2 Part 1 The following forms are intransitive and, thus, only cross reference subjects. (1) Identify the affixes that cross reference subjects. Describe their distribution. What relationship do they bear to any of the affixes identified in Problem 1? (2) The translations indicate that some of these forms have the same aspect as those in Problem 1. Is this aspect expressed by the same affix? If not, what is the new affix, and how would you explain its distribution with respect to the one identified in Problem 1? (I.e., when do we see which affix?) Assuming that this is a case of allomorphy, state a precise rule for the choice of allomorphs. (3) In English, predicate nominals and adjectives require the copula (e.g., "You are a woman", "I am tall"). No copula is needed in the corresponding Tzotzil sentences. How are these forms like and unlike intransitive verbs? (4) Give a list of any new stems along with their translations. batemon 'I have gone' jelavem 'he/she/they/it have passed by' k'otemot 'you (sg) have arrived' jelavemotik 'we (you and I) have passed by' batem 'he/she/it/they have gone' jelavemot 'you (sg) have passed by' 7antzotikotik 'we (me and someone !=you) are women' k'otemoxuk 'you (pl) have arrived' ve7emotikotik 'we (me and someone !=you) have eaten vayemon 'I have fallen asleep (I am asleep)' vinikon 'I am a man' 7antzot 'you are a woman' jelavemon 'I have passed by' k'otem 'he/she/it/they have arrived' vayemoxuk 'you (pl) are asleep' vinik 'he's a man/they're men' tzotz 'he/she/it/they are strong' vinikoxuk 'you (pl) are men' ve7em 'he/she/it/they have eaten' mi talemot? 'have you (sg) come?' mi 7antz? 'is she a woman?/are they women?' talemotikotik 'we (me and someone !=you) have come' talemotik 'we (me and you) have come' vayem 'he/she/it/they are asleep' natotikotik 'we (me and someone !=you) are tall' bik'itotik 'we (you and I) are small' bik'it 'it/he/she/they is/are little' mi batemoxuk? 'have you (pl) gone?' ve7emon 'I have eaten' bik'itoxuk 'you (pl) are small' Part 2 (1) Identify any new affixes; describe their distribution. To what class(es) of stems do they attach? (2) State any necessary morphophonological rules. (3) Give derivations for a few forms. batanik 'go!' (said to more than one (2+) person (*bato) tojo 'pay for it!' (*tojan) jelavan 'pass by!' (*jelavo) majotikotik 'hit us!' (me and someone !=you) 7ochan 'enter!' (*7ocho) vula7anon 'visit me!' k'elik 'look at it!' (to 2+ people) nak'on 'hide me!' majonik 'hit me!' (to 2+ people) 7antzan 'be a woman!' (*7antzo) majik 'hit it/them/him/her!' (to 2+ people) 7elk'ano 'steal it/her/them/him!' (*7elk'anan) ve7o 'eat it!' k'oponik 'address him/her/it/them!' (to 2+ people) ve7an 'eat!' majo 'hit it/him/her/them!' 7abtejan 'work!' (*7abtejo) vayanik 'sleep!' (to 2+ people) (*vayik) ve7ik 'eat it!' (to 2+ people) vinikan 'be a man!' (*viniko) ve7anik 'eat!'(to 2+ people) tzotzan 'be brave!' 7ik'on 'call me!' k'opono 'address him/her/it/them!' (*k'oponan) 7elk'ajan 'steal!' (*7elk'ajo) 7uch'o 'drink it!' Zinacantec Tzotzil Problem: 3 The data in this problem introduces two new aspects: completive and incompletive. Your job is to identify the affixes that express these aspects, and describe their distribution. There is also a bit of phonological variation - some of it may be morphologically conditioned; you need to come up with some account of this. Finally, this problem introduces overt DPs in the form of possessed nouns. You should provide an account of how these DPs are formed. Notes: (i) Use of a third person pronoun ('he, she, it, his, her') implies possibility of all others (including 'their/they/them' usually ) except where noted. Context plays a significant role in determining when plural interpretations are possible. (ii) Inclusion of ("own") in translation (e.g., "his own") indicates that non-coreference is not possible. These coreference facts are essentially syntactic -- i.e., there are no special possessive forms used to indicate non-coreference. A different syntactic construction is used to indicate non-coreference. (iii) "li ... e" (e.g., li Xun-e) functions as a kind of definite article. You can't have one part of it without the other. How would you account for that? Part 1 (1) Identify any new aspectual affixes; describe their distribution. (2) What affixes are used to express possession? Are they similar to any previously identified affixes? (3) Some glosses are annotated with comments such as: "spoken by a woman", etc. In addition, some readings are impossible, as indicated by starred glosses. What do these facts indicate? (4) State any necessary morphophonological rules. (5) Give derivations for chbat 'she is going' and xchitom 'her pig'. 7ibat stot 'his father left' ta xbat jme7 'my mother is going' (also: chbat ...) ta xjelav 'he is passing by' (also: chjelav) 7ital xa Xun 'Juan already came' ta x7abtej atot 'your father is working' (also: ch7abtej ...) 7i7och sme7 'her mother entered' mi 7ik'opoj avajnil? 'did your wife speak?' 7ital yol 'her child came' (*his child came) ta xbat kitz'in 'my younger brother is going' (spoken by man) (also: chbat ...) 7ik'opoj kajnil 'my wife spoke' 7icham xchitom 'her pig died' mi ta x7och avitz'in? 'is your younger brother entering?' (spoken to man) (also: ... ch7och ...) ta xve7 smuk 'her (*his) younger brother (or sister) is eating' (also: chve7 ... ) 7i7ech' kol 'my child passed by' (spoken by woman) ta x7ech' xch'amal 'his (*her) child is passing by' (also: ch7ech') mi 7i7elk'aj avol? 'did your child steal?' (spoken to woman) Part 2 This part illustrates the aspectual affixes identified in Part 1 as they are used in some transitive verb forms. (1) What is the distribution of the aspectual affixes with respect to other affixes? In what order do the affixes occur? (2) One of the aspectual affixes is not always overtly realized. What seems to determine this? (3) What phonological alternations are there? A precise formalization of these may be difficult, but state the rules in as general a manner as you can. (4) In some cases coreference is forced between the subject and a noun's possessor. What determines this? (5) Give derivations for the following forms: ta xil 'he'll see it' ta xchon 'he is selling it' tztoj 'she is paying him' tzob 'she is gathering them together' chabi 'he is caring for them' (6) What is the basic word order? 7isk'opon atot li Xune 'Juan spoke to your father' ta smaj kol li xch'amale 'his (*her) child is hitting my child' (spoken by woman) (also: tzmaj ...) 7iyelk'an chitom li Xune 'Juan stole pig(s)' 7ijsibtas kol 'I frightened my child' (spoken by a woman) 7isibtas kol 'he frightened my child' (spoken by a woman) ta xkak' tak'in 'I am giving money' (also: chkak' ...) ta stoj jch'amal li Maruche 'Maria is paying my child' (spoken by man) (also: ... tztoj ...) mi avil ach'amal? 'did you see your child?' (spoken to man) mi asuk'? 'did you rinse it out?' 7isuk' 'she rinsed it out' (cf. suk'oj 'she has rinsed it out') mi ajat ak'u7? 'did you tear your scarf?' 7ijat jk'u7 'I tore my scarf' avich' avosil 'you got your land' mi ta xak'el avol? 'are you watching your child?' (spoken to a woman) (also: mi chak'el ...) 7ikelk'an 'I stole it' 7iyil xch'amal 'he/*she saw his/*her (own) son' 7ijsuk' 'I rinsed it out' 7isjat sk'u7 'he tore his (own) scarf' ta xil atot 'he will see your father' (also: chil ...) ta jman kosil 'I'm buying my land' (no contracted form) ta xchon sk'u7 'he is selling his own scarf' (also: chon ...) mi ta xavil kitz'in? 'do you see my younger brother?' (spoken by male) (also: ... chavil ...) ta jk'el jmalal 'I'm watching my husband' ta xelk'an chitom 'he's stealing pig(s)' (also: chelk'an ...) mi ta xava7i avitz'in? 'do you hear your younger brother?' (spoken to male) (also: ... chava7i ...) 7iyik' yitz'in 'he/*she called his/(*her) (own) younger brother' 7ijman chitom 'I bought pig(s)' ta xchabi yol 'she/*he's caring for her/*his (own) child' (also: chabi ...) mi amaj avol? 'did you beat your child?' (spoken to a woman) 7ixchon yosil 'he sold his (own) land' ta jve7 'I'm eating it' ta xkil li Xune 'I see Xun' (also: chkil ...) mi ta xaman chitom? 'are you buying pig(s)?' (also: ... chaman ...) mi ta xachon axonob? 'are you selling your sandals?' (also: ... chachon ...) ta sa7 stot 'he's looking for his (own) father' (also: tza7 ...) mi ta xasa7? 'are you looking for it?' (also: ... chasa7) 7ixchon xonob 'he sold his (own) sandals' 7ikuch' 'I drank it' 7ijtzob koltak 'I gathered together my children' (spoken by a woman) ta stzob yoltak 'she/*he's gathering together her/*his (own) children' (also: tzob ...) Problem 4 Give an overall account of the morphotactics, including an account of all allomorphy and explicit rules for the agreement system.