Michael Frazier, David Potter, and Masaya Yoshida
We propose that apparent NP-coordination structures (Pseudo-NP-Coordinations) admitting multi-event readings, such as "John will talk to Susan (today) and Mary (tomorrow)," are derived not via ATB head-movement of V and P as in Johnson 1994-style Gapping, but by Stripping-like clausal ellipsis. As in other examples of clausal ellipsis, the possibility of PNPC in complements of prepositions correlates with the availability of P-stranding. Similarly, fronted PNPCs need not reconstruct, as is the case with fronting in Stripping contexts. In both of these respects, PNPC contrasts with Gapping, suggesting that attempts to collapse PNPC with Gapping are misguided.
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